Monday, July 9, 2012


Today it is Marian Price, Martin Corey and Gerry McGeough along with numerous young Irish people interned without trial or by diplock remand. The continued imprisonment and torture of Marian Price in British Occupied Ireland is clearly an abuse of human rights. By any definition of human rights, solitary confinement for 15 months is torture. The U.N. special rapporteur has stated that solitary confinement for more than 15 days is torture and creates considerable psychological damage.

Ms. Price is close to 60 years old and suffers severe complications from arthritis and gastric disorders from being force fed 400 times previously on hunger strike it is obvious she is truly not a "threat to society" as two judges already ruled and ordered her immediate release. The unelected English Viceroy for British Occupied Ireland  Owen Paterson, has on the same secret intelligence overuled both and a previous Queen's pardon to intern her without trial.

Her crime? Holding a piece of paper, a political statement, for a masked man at a traditional Easter Rising ceremony. Whether we agree or not with Ms. Price's politics and opposition to British repression and occupation in Ireland, her treatment is meant to be a threat to anyone who disagrees with British government thinking you are considered a criminal if you challenge the British occupation in Ireland even by peaceful means.


In the early hours of the 9th August 1971 British soldiers launched operation Demetrius, the introduction of internment without trial. Internment had been employed by the Unionist Government at Stormont in every decade since the creation of the northern state as a means to suppress Republican opposition. In the 1920s, 1930s, 1940s, 1950s and 1960s republican suspects had been imprisoned without trial. As violence increased in 1970 and 1971 the Unionist Government again came under increasing pressure to clamp down on the activities of the IRA. By August 1971 the Stormont Government had convinced the British Government that internment offered the best method of dealing with the increasing violence, and pointed to its repeated success in previous decades. In an attempt to reduce the expected nationalist outrage a ban on all parades was announced at the same time, aimed at defusing the potential for unrest that the Apprentice Boys parade on the 12th August posed.
Relying on outdated lists containing 450 names provided by the RUC Special Branch, the British Army swept into nationalist areas of the north and arrested 342 men. The RUC intelligence, however, was hopelessly outdated and many of those arrested had no connections with the IRA. Others, although Republican minded, had not been active in decades. Others arrested included prominent members of the Civil Rights movement. In one instance in Armagh the British Army sought to arrest a man who had been dead for the past 4 years. It appears that the rapid radicalisation of much of the north’s nationalist community, and the RUC’s alienation from that community in the previous 2 years, had created a large intelligence gap in RUC files. Indeed, so out of date were the lists that within 48 hours 116 of those arrested were released. The remainder were detained at Crumlin Rd prison and the prison ship The Maidstone.

Internees being transported to the Maidstone prison ship, August 1971.

Many of those active Republicans whose names were on the lists had been forewarned that internment was imminent and had gone on ‘the run’. At dawn on 23 July 1971, 1,800 troops and RUC raided Republican houses across the north, searching for documents. This operation was viewed by many Republicans as a dry run for internment and they responded accordingly.
Remarkably no Loyalists were arrested in the operation, despite the fact that the UVF had been active since 1966. The first Protestant internees were not arrested until 2nd February 1973.
The reaction of the Nationalist community was furious. This anger was reinforced when news of the treatment of the internees, particularly 11 men who became known as the "hooded men" became public. This anger took the form of increased support for the IRA and the commencement of a campaign of civil disobedience that enjoyed overwhelming support within the nationalist community."

Britain has been found guilty of torture of prisoners in Ireland by the European Court at  Strasbourg and promised not to repeat that torture but the like all the broken promise of the Peace agreement the Tory Party since its election have been systematically breaking these promises and returning to war on the Irish people, Internment without trial is wartime activity on defenceless population.

  • in depth interrogation with the use of hooding, white noise, sleep deprivation, prolonged enforced physical exercise together with a diet of bread and water.
  • deceiving detainees into believing that they were to be thrown from high flying helicopters. In reality the blindfolded detainees were thrown from a helicopter that hovered approximately 4 feet above the ground.
  • forcing detainees to run an obstacle course over broken glass and rough ground whilst being beaten.
The combination of botched arrests, stories of brutality escaping from the internment centres and the reintroduction of internment, which was viewed as a form of communal punishment and humiliation, unleashed a wave of violence across the north, with practically no military gains to offset the impact internment had on the entire nationalist community.

In Derry City barricades were again erected around Free Derry and for the next 11 months these areas effectively seceded from Northern Ireland. Protests, street demonstrations and riots were common as the entire community sought to demonstrate its opposition to internment. At the same time a rents and rates strike was introduced in protest against internment and within weeks was supported, according to government figures, by 26,000 households. A day of action on the 16th August saw 8,000 Derry workers on strike. The next day 30 prominent Derry Catholics withdrew from public bodies, as Jack Lynch called for the immediate end of internment and 3 days later 130 anti Unionist local councillors across the north withdrew from local councils.

British troops coming under attack in the Bogside, Autumn 1971.

John Hume, soaked by a water-cannon, is arrested during
an anti internment protest in Derry, August 1971.
The IRA held a press conference in Belfast on the 13th August at which Joe Cahill, the Officer Commanding the IRA in Belfast, claimed that internment had had no noticeable effect on IRA structures and the campaign would continue. The statistics add weight to his words. In the remainder of August 1971 35 people were killed, 1 more than the total for the previous 7 months, and c. 7,000 Catholic families had fled across the border. By the year’s end 139 people had been killed since the introduction of internment.
In an attempt to provide a mechanism for the expression of non violent opposition to internment a number of rallies and marches were planned. On Christmas Day 1971 c. 4,000 protestors attempted to march from Belfast to Long Kesh.

This march was blocked before reaching its destination on the M1 motorway and dispersed.
On the 22nd January another protest march took place at Magilligan Strand, not far from Derry City.
This protest was blocked by the British Army and dispersed with violence, in which members of the Parachute Regiment were prominent. The next anti-internment rally was planned for Derry, on Sunday 30th January 1972 where the British army shot the people of the street shooting dozens and slaughtering 13 unarmed civilians.
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