Sam McCrory, chairman of the Protestant Coalition also said that British Police in British Occupied ireland “took a very good beating and rightly so”.Mr McCrory, explicitly defended the loyalist violence on Facebook.
The Protestant Coalition supported by the hardline position of the UVF’s political wing, the PUP, which condemned the rioting. This follow previous comments by another loyalist politician In a conversation on Facebook, who responded to someone else's post about an imaginary attack on a memorial parade in Castlederg in which several people including Sinn Féin figures are murdered. To which the elected politician from the leading Protestant Party the DUP replied: "We would have done a great service to Northern Ireland and the world." Unfortunately right now across most of the Irish political spectrum and the British 'intelligence' community it seems to be the only point of agreement.
And in a separate video produced by the Protestant Coalition, Mr McCrory boasted of diverting Friday night’s anti internment march entering Royal Avenue. After the riot, McCrory said: “It’s been a victory for the Protestant, unionist, loyalist community here in the centre of Belfast. Dissident republicans didn’t get parading through the middle of our city. They were re-routed. In the end they accepted defeat. We claim the victory, so we do, for the decent citizens of Belfast.”
On Facebook on Saturday, responding to a comment, that Loyalist violence in Belfast was wrong, Mr McCrory said: “David I disagree with you regarding the word WRONG. I do believe that you should replace it with the word JUSTIFIED. As one who was on the ground throughout yesterday and evening, I witnessed the brutality of the police against men, women and children, without provocation and just to satisfy someone’s agenda.
This is not the first time that I have witnessed events like this when police wade in hours before a parade takes place in order to get it started.They took a very good beating and rightly so because we [the people have had enough and what happened last night is just the beginning of the tide turning. When the deck is unfairly stacked against you the only way is to challenge the dealer whatever way that you can.”
A Unionist MLA, John McCallister however last night condemned McCrory’s comments, saying “There’s no justification whatsoever for what happened in Belfast on Friday night. When I condemn the violence, there are no ifs, buts or wherefores: it was wrong. Injuring police, wrecking our image internationally, jeopardising investment, it is wrong,” McCallister also said that far from being a “victory” for unionism, as McCrory claimed, Friday’s loyalist riot had been a disaster for everyone and that the “vast majority” of people would find it “crazy” to see a riot as victory.
Meanwhile MI5's spokesperson, the non elected Viceroyal Villiers has gagged the only republican who became a Minister in the Stormont Executive, despite MI5 efforts to block her. After British Secret Services, had already refused the British Prime Minister permission, to allow a public inquiry, into Britain's Secret Service murders, of an Irish journalist and two human rights lawyers, they have now gagged Culture Minister Caral Ni Chuilin from publishing the details of Britain's murder ofPaddy McAdorey in Belfastin 1971, their murder of a social worker, student Michael Donnelly in 1980, and the murder of mother Sarah Larmour in 1979.
Following the release of sensitive inquest documents, relating to three British murders by the British Minister Caral Ni Chuilin, emergency proceedings were issued by the Chief Constable and Viceroyal Villiers, to gag their own minister, who happens to be and Irish republican of sorts, who would not follow MI5 orders like her colleagues. Culture Minister Caral Ni Chuilin personally handed over the court files to victims' group Relatives for Justice Law firm. A decision over when the information relating to three killings stretching back more than 40 years should be given full public access has been postponed until Thursday.
The two English overlords in British occupied ireland, Matt Baggott and Theresa Villiers believe sensitive details, which could identify British force members, should have been removed before circulation by their Republican minister. The Injustice Minister Ford, another sockpuppet for Britain's Secret Service MI5 said, he is "extremely disappointed" Minister Ni Chuilin had the cheek to disobey, his orders or British Secret Service's advice, before passing on the files.
Minister Ni Chuilin's department is responsible for the Public Record Office where the data is held. Lawyers for Viceroyal Villiers and the British Secret Services, secured a temporary injunction or gagging order, to block their circulation. Outside the court, lawyer Niall Murphy of KRW Law, representing one of the victims family, expressed concern at the timing of the move, pointed out that the injunction prevents yet again,the material by next of kin seeking a fresh inquiry into the British murder.
Mr Murphy said; "The attempt by the Secretary of State and the Chief Constable to overturn the minister's decision is a major setback to the cause of seeking to ensure the state's compliance with its positive obligations under Article 2 of the European Convention of Human Rights."
Minister Ford who along with the two British overlords, is also responsible for the internment without trial of Martin Corey for more than three years, said: "I'm extremely disappointed that she doesn't seem to be taking advice from my department, the British police, and she has gone ahead and issued those documents."There are now real fears for the life of the disobedient Minister, who is also believed to have received a severe tongue lashing, from her compromised, male colleagues, because of her disobedience to British MI5 and the big wigs of British Sinn Fein's inner circle.
After the British State murders of Human Rights lawyers, Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson, along with Journalist Martin O'Hagan, with Britain's Secret Services providing the intelligence, training and mentoring loyalist agents, to shoot and bomb the lawyers, many observers are now drawing comparison, between Minister Ni Chuilin and the British Governments bombing, with specialist Secret Service equipment of Human Rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson. Many are also convinced, that it is just a question of time, before MI5 have the disobedient British Minister liquidated, by a loyalist bomb under her state carriage as a warning to any other restless natives who may be hiding in British Sinn Fein.
Indecent exposure: Christine Keeler and Mandy Rice-Davies, surrounded by a press scrum as they leave the Old Bailey during the trial of Stephen Ward in 1963. Photograph: Evening Standard/Getty Images
Occasionally, a single passage in a book lingers long in the memory. This one will. A dominatrix who flogged men was asked why her rich clients had these tastes. "It went back to their nannies. Bus drivers and people like that who don't have nannies don't ask you to whip them," she replied.
Published to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the affair to beat all affairs, Richard Davenport-Hines's book on the scandal is a masterful depiction of everything that was wrong with the 1950s and early 1960s. Yet for all the deceit and bullying, this is a romp of a read, full of colour and verve, a mix of The Hour and Mad Men in a single volume.Thus was life in the England of the early 1960s, an era epitomised by privilege, hypocrisy and sordid glamour, by powerful men and the "good time girls" they bedded. The era bears a name: Profumo.
The reader is taken on an extraordinary tour ofpolitics and the bedroom, and the politics of the bedroom. Pretty much everyone in public life, it seemed, was having it away with someone, usually a girl (or boy) of a lower station, either preyed upon or seduced by the vague prospect of a "better" life.
Christine Keeler and Mandy Rice-Davies, the two young women at the heart of the story, were no different from others, desperate to get away from their stifling homes. "England was a country where the gravy served at main meals made everything taste alike," the author writes. It was more regimented than at any point in its history, the time of theLady Chatterley's Lover ban and backstreet abortions. "Audiences stood in respectful silence when the national anthem was played at the end of every cinema performance; pedestrians still doffed their hats… family-planning clinics did not dare to give contraceptive advice to the unmarried; every foreigner had to register with their local police station."
Keeler had lived with her mother and stepfather in a grim estate between Staines and Windsor, with no running water or electricity, and no privacy. As a teenager, she earned money babysitting, where it was normal for fathers "to kiss, fondle or rub against her". After an overture from her stepfather, she kept a knife under her pillow at night. She started working in a cabaret club in London where she met Rice-Davies. They launched themselves into society, with the "help" of a series of older men.
John Profumo, the secretary of state for war who famously had to resign after lying to Parliament about sleeping with Keeler (at the same time as Keeler was sleeping with a naval attache at the Soviet embassy), was a man of moderate intelligence. He had eased his way through Harrow and Oxford, and he knew the people he needed to know and how to climb the ladder. Married to a film star, Profumo was a breezy type who "scooted along on charm" yet was mistrusted by some because of his "Eye-tie" surname. He met Keeler at a party at the Astors' country pile, Cliveden.
The fourth and, according to the author, saddest victim-villain wasStephen Ward, an osteopath and socialite, whose sex-fuelled parties were the talk of London.Davenport-Hines vividly describes the extent to which the police, press and politicians colluded to hound Ward. It was partly an act of individual vindictiveness; it was also what was generally done to anyone who fell out with the establishment. Once Macmillan's government realised it was in trouble, everything was done to pursue Ward. One of the more bizarre charges levelled against him was the Sexual Offences Act of 1956. This included the crime of introducing any man to a woman under the age of 21 (even though the age of consent was 16) if they ended up sleeping with each other.
The levels of police corruption and press intrusion were on a different scale, a point Lord Justice Leveson might care to reflect on. "Reporters and photographers were proud of their deceptions," the author writes, "inveigling their way into houses pretending to be meter readers, equipping themselves with flowers or grapes and invading hospital rooms masquerading as relatives, waylaying children on their way from school… bribing and suborning."
The public craved to be shocked: the better the scandal, the higher the circulation. Newspapers indulged in an auction of prurience and faux indignation. "Keeler, the Shameless Slut," wrote the People. She was an "empty-headed trollop" who "smoked marijuana, loved orgies" and seldom washed. Such language about women was commonplace. The author quotes the Labour MP Richard Crossman as saying, shortly after marrying his third wife, a graduate in PPE from Oxford: "If you're going to marry, you want to marry either an alpha girl or a doormat. I married a doormat."
So sexually charged had the Brits become, the Americans were growing worried. J Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI, "became fixated on Keeler's attraction to 'coloured men' and this solidified his conviction that British sexual and security looseness was a menace to the United States".
The police were in cahoots with the worst of the hacks – just as they are now. They also did whatever it took to secure convictions. One tactic was to keep witnesses waiting for hours at the station until they were too weary to resist signing inaccurate statements. Once, Rice-Davies was arrested at the airport as she tried to leave for Spain, was taken to Holloway prison where she was "subjected to body searches, her pubic hair was shaved and she was locked in her cell for 20 hours a day". The chief inspector told her: "You don't like it in here very much, do you? So you help us and we'll help you." She told them what they wanted to hear about Ward and his parties. Ward killed himself through an overdose as his "trial" was concluding. The report by Lord Denning on the affair was a masterpiece of whitewash.
Many a book and film have been devoted to the Profumo affair. It is easy to rush to judgment. If there is a criticism to be levelled at this tale, it is the author's projection of disdain from a contemporary vantage point in which we worry incessantly about our approach to race, gender and sexuality. Public life in 1963 revolved around homophobia, with its "abasement of vulnerable individuals, prudish lynch mobs [and] the deviousness behind the self-righteous wrath of the judiciary". Fifty years on, the government is planning to recognise gay marriage. Some things do get better.
Well I never, found the time to welcome Ms. Theresa Villiers, to the island of Ireland, where I was born and raised in my Irish community. She is of course most welcome, in a private capacity. However this most certainly does not extend, to her capacity of being an English person, inheriting the unelected, aristocratic role of Vice Royal in British Occupied Ireland, as a direct descendant of her not so great grandfather, George William Frederick Villiers, 1800-1870, Fourth Earl of Clarendon, who also presided as Vice Royal of Ireland, 1847–52 and oversaw the war crime of British ethnic cleansing of 6 million native Irish lives. As a result, Villiers is regarded by the British as the poshest surname of any royal family, having ruled Ireland for her Majesty.
Ms Villiers boasts of law degrees from Bristol and Oxford and of working as a barrister and lecturer in law, at no less than the King's College London 1994-1999 before being elected as MEP for London in 1999. In fact her curriculum vitae says, she has an LLB (First Class Hons.), Bristol University (1990); BCL (Hons.), Oxford University (1991). Barrister-at-law, Inner Temple and Inns of Court School of Law. Barrister, Lincoln's Inn (1992-1994). Lecturer in law, King's College London (1994-1999).
Ms Villiers is also a Member of the governing board of the Conservative Party 2001-2002, when she was Deputy Leader of the Conservatives in the European Parliament 2001-2002. Areas of special interest to Ms Villiers include, finance and campaigning against the Euro and the European Constitution. So obviously the lady is no slouch and its clear for all to see, that her career will no doubt emulate the infamous Baroness Thatcher, with her royal true blue pedigree. We would hope then, with her illustrious legal credentials, she would be aware of the serious nature and penalties, for anyone engaged in perverting the course of justice, even in such a colonial outpost as British Occupied Ireland.
So let's go back a bit shall we, to ensure Ms Villiers does not forget, that her ignoble predecessor, Owen Paterson, who sent the traditional Irish republican, Marian Price back to jail because, he said, she breached the terms of the licence on which she had been released in 1980 from a life sentence 40 years ago, for the March 1973 Provisional bombing of the Old Bailey in London, scene of numerous miscarriages of injustice, in open court, of many Irish innocents, such as the Guildford Four and the Birmingham six, to name but a few. I'm sure Ms Villiers is quite familiar with these cases, it was the talk of London barristers as they supped, for many a year, while the innocent Irish served their fabricated sentences, handed down in open court. In today's secret courts, of secret evidence that even the accused in not even made aware, it would be much easier to brush British injustice, under their very deep pile carpets and throw away the key,s without being responsible or answerable to anyone.
Now, Marian Price's lawyers insist, that she had been freed by Royal pardon, not on licence, and that Paterson doesn't have the authority to overrule a royal pardon. They have demanded production of the document, so that its terms can be established but Ms Villier's predecessor said, that the only copy has been lost or shredded. This the first and only time, that this has happened. Patrick Ramsey, a Social Democratic Labour member of the elected British Assembly put in place as a result of a peace process, wrote to Ms. Villiers predecessor about this "lost" pardon and formally in his elected capacity asked;
-- Where would Mrs. Price-McGlinchey's pardon have been held?
-- How many staff are currently seeking the document and in what departments?
-- Are those looking for it doing so on a full-time basis, if not, why not?
-- Has the Northern Ireland Office received comment from the judiciary on the apparent loss of the document?
-- How many Royal Prerogative's have been lost (or destroyed) that the government has record of?
-- Who is ultimately responsible for the care and maintenance of the building where these documents are kept?
-- What communication have you personally had with this person/Department?
-- Can you confirm the Department is still seeking the document and will do so until it is found?
Again the unelected English Vice royal contemptuously dismissed the elected Irish assembly member's inquiry, the fruits of a Peace Process, after 40 years of war, stating that "unfortunately the Royal Prerogative of Mercy was not recovered but had no bearing on current circumstances. Patterson went even further and demanded, the local elected Assembly be downsized and it's 'peace process' structures be dismantled, as he regarded it simply as a talking shop, that interfered with unelected, Vice Royal English rule in Ireland.
As Eamonn McCann, the respected cross community writer put it so aptly in the Belfast Telegraph, there are many people - by no means all of them sympathetic to Marian Price's politics - who are quite prepared to disbelieve this. Others will find it impossible to believe, that a Secretary of State could supply incorrect and misleading information in a fraught and sensitive case. But, oh yes, he could.
Speaking of Mr Justice Girvan's handling of the matter, another predecessor of Ms Villiers, Peter Hain scoffed that "It wouldn't have happened anywhere else in the UK". Right enough. If it had happened anywhere else, Hain would have been run out of public life.But this is wild and wacky northern Ireland, where normal rules don't apply, where due process is optional and, at the whim of a politician, where anything goes."
Now Ms Villiers, may I humbly suggest, as a citizen of the Irish republic, not a commoner the property of you or Her other Majesty, that you may wish to consider the above facts, before further matters in this sordid, odious, affair come to light, should you wish to pursue your career sucessfully, in the footsteps, of your infamous former leader, Margaret Thatcher, herself responsible for the deaths of 10 Irish political prisoners, who were actually on hunger strike for shorter periods, than Marian Price who was force fed, before they were murdered. Your predecessor Pervert Paterson as he became affectionately known, tallyhomed to your native London, before these foxy chickens came home to roost. You have been handed a poisoned chalice by perfidious colleagues of Albion, unhappy with some of your dealings with other anonymous bureaucrats and departments.
Lest your minions who have.. ahem... shredded or mislaid the Royal Prerogatives in this instance, have have failed to properly update you on the real facts of this matter, they are as follows;
• Marian has been kept in solitary confinement in a ‘male’ high security prison
• She is effectively interned without a trial, sentence, or release date.
• She has not been given any timescale for any investigation.
• She has not been allowed to see the evidence that the state claims to have
• Her release has been ordered on two occasions by judges. However, on both occasions the secretary of state has overruled those decisions.
• The secretary of state claimed he ‘revoked Marian’s license’. This is despite Marian never being released on license. She was given a Royal Pardon.
• Marian’s Royal Pardon has ‘gone missing’ from the home office (the only time in history). The secretary of state has taken the view that unless a paper copy can be located – it must be assumed that she does not have one.
• Despite no ‘license’ existing for her release from prison in 1980, it is the non-existent license that is being used to keep her in prison.
• She can only be released by Theresa Villiers the current Secretary of State responsible despite her protestations
The charges against Marian Price were thrown out of their own British courts, for lack of evidence by a judge, the last time she appeared and now the very same charges have been re-instated against Marian again in a British judicial system, that cannot provide any tangible evidence, in a transparent, forthright manner, as to the reason for her internment and torture.
It would be such a shame for me, as an admirer of beautiful women, to see you removed from your illustrious throne, such as the above or be a scapegoatess of the empire and perhaps have you thrown like Marian, into some dungeon of solitary confinement, tortured daily by bigoted or sectarian sadists, who see it as a blood sport in the tradition of Melton Mowbray the 'Pride of the Shires,' the “it” place for the English fox hunting heritage of the blood sport of your ancestors and family. Hopefully I will not have to to return to this subject again in further detail in the future, with the Big Spirit willing and a modicum of political sanity, from those who have the luxury of being born with a silver spoon in their mouth hand given the wherewithal to know better.
Another Villier's True Blue Blood Tory Vice Royal in Ireland
The British Vice Royal in British Occupied Ireland, Theresa Villiers, while on a visit to Dublin, at the start of October, asked, about the internment without trial of republican Marian Price interned in May 2011, by her predecessor Owen Paterson, claiming to revoke a non-existent licence, on which she had been supposedly released in 1980, stated. “A number of people have raised this with me, so I know it’s a sensitive issue, I know there is concern about it, but the reality is that this is not a decision for me, this is a decision for the Parole Commissioners and they are conducting their review at the moment. If I were to seek to intervene politically in what is a legal process I think that would be wholly inappropriate.”
Cutting Commoners Down to Size
The British Vice Royal in British Occupied Ireland, Theresa Villiers, while on a visit to Dublin, at the start of October, asked, about the internment without trial of republican Marian Price interned in May 2011, by her predecessor Owen Paterson, claiming to revoke a non-existent licence, on which she had been supposedly released in 1980, stated. “A number of people have raised this with me, so I know it’s a sensitive issue, I know there is concern about it, but the reality is that this is not a decision for me, this is a decision for the Parole Commissioners and they are conducting their review at the moment. If I were to seek to intervene politically in what is a legal process I think that would be wholly inappropriate.”
This statement is at best disingenuous, a clearly irresponsible deception and non factual. In May 2011, Marian Price was arrested and interned to Maghaberry Prison on trumped up accusations, after holding a piece of paper on a windy day, at a traditional Easter commemoration, from which a masked man read. She was taken to Maghaberry high security prison an all-male prison and placed in solitary confinement, where she was accused of, ‘encouraging support for an illegal organisation’.
Marian has now been in prison for 17 months, during which time neither her lawyers or Marian, have been allowed to see any of Britain's ‘alleged’ evidence. Having been previously force fed 400 times by the British in an English prison, in considerable, ill health, distress, extreme pain and close to death, she was given a Royal Prerogative of Mercy, witnessed by Cardinal O'Fiach the spiritual leader, of Ireland's largest Christian denomination at the time.
Villier's predecessor Patterson claimed, that this Royal Pardon was either lost or shredded by his bureaucrats, something both he and Villiers are clearly responsible. This the first and only time that this has happened. Patrick Ramsey, a Social Democratic Labour member of the elected British Assembly, wrote to Paterson about this "lost" pardon and formally om his elected capacity asked;
-- Where would Mrs. Price-McGlinchey's pardon have been held?
-- How many staff are currently seeking the document and in what departments?
-- Are those looking for it doing so on a full-time basis, if not, why not?
-- Has the Northern Ireland Office received comment from the judiciary on the apparent loss of the document?
-- How many Royal Prerogative's have been lost (or destroyed) that the government has record of?
-- Who is ultimately responsible for the care and maintenance of the building where these documents are kept?
-- What communication [has Paterson] personally had with this person/Department?
-- Can [Paterson] confirm the Department is still seeking the document and will do so until it is found?
Again the unelected English Vice royal Paterson contemptuously dismissed the elected Irish assembly member, Ramsey's inquiry, the fruits of a Peace Process, after 30 years of war, stating that "unfortunately the Royal Prerogative of Mercy was not recovered but had no bearing on current circumstances. Patterson went even further and demanded, the local elected Assembly be downsized and it's 'peace process' structures be dismantled, as he regarded it simply as a talking shop, that interfered with unelected, Vice Royal English rule in Ireland.
Ms. Villiers herself, to be sure, to be sure, apparently, wrote an academic legal book, titled the Law of Estoppel, Variation and Waiver while apparently being an Academic of King's College London. She would hopefully then, be vaguely aware of her responsibilities and familiar with British law. It follows therefore, if the institutions to which she has been aligned, have any international credibility, she ought to be aware of the serious nature and consequence, of perverting the course of her own supposed British Justice system, something clearly not a reality in British Occupied Ireland, as this affair demonstrates to any objective observer not insignificant in a Peace Process without Due Process.
The facts of the case are as follows;
• Marian has been kept in solitary confinement in a ‘male’ high security prison
• She is effectively interned without a trial, sentence, or release date.
• She has not been given any timescale for any investigation.
• She has not been allowed to see the evidence that the state claims to have
• Her release has been ordered on two occasions by judges. However, on both occasions the secretary of state has overruled those decisions.
• The secretary of state claimed he ‘revoked Marian’s license’. This is despite Marian never being released on license. She was given a Royal Pardon.
• Marian’s Royal Pardon has ‘gone missing’ from the home office (the only time in history). The secretary of state has taken the view that unless a paper copy can be located – it must be assumed that she does not have one.
• Despite no ‘license’ existing for her release from prison in 1980, it is the non-existent license that is being used to keep her in prison.
• She can only be released by Theresa Villiers the current Secretary of State responsible despite her protestations
The charges against Marian Price were thrown out of their own British courts, for lack of evidence by a Judge, the last time she appeared and now the very same charges have been re-instated against Marian again in a British judicial system, that can provide any tangible evidence as to the reason for her internment. The farcical affair, demonstrates the British have learned nothing from their intransigence around Bloody Sunday and further the disingenuous nature of Cameron's belated, superficial apology. Neither have they learned from their collusion in the sectarian murder of thousands of Irish innocents or their shoot-to-kill policies, or any of their errors, in the last forty years of occupation and repression in British Occupied Ireland, never mind over 800 years of bloody oppression of the whole island of Ireland. Ms Villier's statement on the Marian Price debacle, smacks of the same arrogance, falshoods, injustice and sheer bloody mindedness, so much part, of their far-reaching colonial and recent bloody history.
Marian Price, is a symbol of her community, an Irish community, that the British ruling elite have spent years, trying and failing to silence and and subjugate. They have tried and continue to try, batter it into submission with internment, torture, state sanctioned murder and genocide. Milosevic's role in the tragic massacre an war crime of Srebrenica, was chicken feed, compared to the role the Villier's family have played in ethnic cleansing, war crimes and the holocaust in Ireland. Marian Price will not be silent until she is six foot under and for her lack of compliance she must silenced with political internment torture, without a proper trial, by the British occupiers and Ms Villiers is another insincere, superficial expensive mouthpiece for their criminal activity which includes kidnap. Despite her long family ancestry of being directly involved, as previous Vice royals in the Irish Holocaust, that cost 6,257,456 Irish person's lives, Villiers comes to Ireland, like so many of her predecessors, ignorant, not surprising with the sort of irresponsible, selective, subjectivity her statement demonstrates.
Marian Price has suffered enough and while we may not have agree with her tactics, we must defend her human rights. Britain has never voluntarily been interested in human rights or fairness and their intransigence is nothing new. For those of us who have been willing, despite considerable historical evidence to the contrary, to give the Peace Process in Ireland a fair chance and accept the challenge of it being an alternative avenue to physically resisting British political state violence, the Marian Price affair, is a poor omen. There have been many superficial calls for peace in Ireland but for those of us confronted with the daily reality of political violence, we know, as sure as night follows day, a Peace Process without Due Process or justice is going nowhere.
Ms Villiers despite her education at the King's Inn, appears to be selectively ignorant of this obvious fact or perhaps its just plain old familiar British hypocrisy and more of their worldwide piracy. Ms Villiers after graduating, worked as a barrister and as a lecturer at King's College London, 1994–99, perhaps like a lot of her colleagues, she partakes of an extra sup with them, before making public utterances, that fans the flames of injustice, that incites otherwise peaceful people to desperate and unwise reactionary violence.
Marian Price must be freed, that is the challenge to you and to all of us who claim to love peace. For those of us of the Irish diaspora, we are all Marian Price, consciously or subconsciously and we have as much freedom or the lack of it, as we allow irresponsible leaders like Villiers, and her long line of British blue bloods, steal from us in Ireland and worldwide. We need international help to achieve this peacefully, despite Tory provocation in the interests of their political sponsors, the British industrial war complex.
A Modest Proposal for preventing the politically interned wives of poor Fenian Irishmen in Ireland from being a financial burden on your country and for making them beneficial to the British publick. I seek also to prevent a re-occurrence of the Great Irish Holocaust, under your majesty's pleasure, that cost 6,257,456 Irish person's lives, during your Viceroyal Villiers family ancestor reign in Ireland previously.
by Dr. Jonny SwiftishNUJ
2012
It is a subject to those, who walk through this great towns or travel in the country known as British Occupied Ireland, when they see the streets, roads and former hospitals daubed with grafitti of free price or crowded with beggars of the female sex, followed by three, four, or six children, all in rags, and importuning every Orangeman for peace and alms. These mothers who are not yet interned, at great expense or instead of being able to work for their honest livelihood at home for their husbands, are forced to employ all their time in strolling out and about to beg for work and sustenance for their helpless Fenian infants who, as they grow up, either turn dissident for want of work or leave their dear native occupied country, to fight for the US of A or sell themselves into Banks or Taliban slavery.
I think it is agreed by all parties, that this prodigious number of Fenian women not yet interned, carrying children in their arms, or on their backs, or at their heels, is in the present deplorable state of the occupied six counties, a very great additional grievance; and therefore whoever could find out a fair, cheap and easy method of making these women sound and useful members of the British common-wealth, would deserve, so well of the publick, as to have his statue set up for a preserver of the nation beside the existing one at Stormont.
But my intention is very far from being confined to provide only for the wives of Irish Fenians: it is of a much greater extent, and shall take in the whole number of women at a certain age, who are married to Fenian husbands in effect as little able to restrain them, as those who demand Orange charity in the streets.
As to my own part, having turned my thoughts for many years, upon this important subject, and maturely weighed the several schemes of our projectors, I have always found them grossly mistaken in their computation. It is true that a Fenian wife with a child just dropt may be supported by her milk, for a solar year, with little other nourishment than force feeding: at most not above the value of two hundred pounds, which the mother may certainly get, or the value in scraps, by her unlawful occupation of human rights campaigning for prisoners; and it is exactly at the age of their child being one year old that I propose to provide for them in such a manner, as, instead of being a charge upon their husbands, or the British empire, or wanting food and raiment for the rest of their Fenian lives, they shall, on the contrary, contribute to the feeding, and partly to the cloathing of many thousands of children.
There is likewise another great advantage in my scheme, that it will prevent those voluntary abortions, and that horrid practice of women murdering their Fenian bastard children, alas! too frequent among us, sacrificing the poor innocent babes, I doubt, more to avoid the expense than the shame, which would move tears and pity in the most dissident and inhuman Fenian breast.
The number of souls in British Occupied Ireland being usually reckoned one million and a half, of these I calculate there may be about two hundred thousand Fenian couples whose wives are breeders; from which number I subtract thirty thousand couple, who are able to maintain their own children, (although I suspect there cannot be so many, under the present distresses of the kingdom) but this being granted, there will remain an hundred and seventy thousand Fenian breeders. I again subtract fifty thousand, for those women who miscarry, or whose children die by accident or disease within the year. There only remain an hundred and twenty thousand children of poor parents annually born. The question therefore is, How this number shall be reared, and provided for? which, as I have already said, under the present situation of affairs, is utterly impossible by all the methods hitherto proposed. For we can neither employ them in handicraft or agriculture; we neither build houses, (I mean in the country) nor cultivate land: they can very seldom pick up a livelihood by stealing till they arrive at six years old; except where they are of towardly parts, although I confess they learn the rudiments much earlier; during which time they can however be properly looked upon only as probationers: As I have been informed by a principal gentleman in the county of Cavan, who protested to me, that he never knew above one or two instances under the age of six, even in a part of the kingdom so renowned for the quickest proficiency in that art.
I am assured by our merchants, that a girl before twelve years old, is no saleable commodity, and even when they come to this age, they will not yield above thirty pounds, or three pounds and half a crown at most, on the exchange; which cannot turn to account either to the parents or kingdom, the charge of nutriments and rags having been at least four times that value.
I shall now therefore humbly propose my own thoughts, which I hope will not be liable to the least objection.
I have been assured by a very knowing American with a rather large white hat of my acquaintance in London, that a young healthy Irish woman well nursed is a most delicious nourishing and wholesome meal, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricasie, or a ragoust.
I do therefore humbly offer it to publick consideration, that of the hundred and twenty thousand Fenian women, already computed, twenty thousand may be reserved for breed, which is more than we allow to sheep, black cattle, or swine, and my reason is, that these women are seldom of circumstance not much regarded by our Orangemen, therefore, one orange male will be sufficient to serve four fenian females. That the remaining hundred thousand may, be offered in sale to Loyalist persons of quality and fortune, through the United Kingdom, always advising the Fenian women to let their Loyal orangemen to suck plentifully, so as to render your majesty's kingdom plump and fat unlike your great great grand father's subjects of his Irish holocaust. A woman will make two or three good meals a day and excellent entertainment for friends, and when the family dines alone, her fore or hind quarter will make a delicious dish, seasoned with little herbs or tinctures, will be very good boiled on the fourth day of her internment should that be necessary.
I grant this dish will become somewhat dear, and therefore very proper for loyalists, who, as they have already devoured a lot of the parents, seem to have the best right to these women. Dissident's flesh will be in season throughout the year, but more plentiful in March, and a little before and after; for we are told by a grave author, an eminent French physician, that fish being a prolifick dyet, there are more Irishwomen born in Roman Catholick countries about nine months after Lent, the markets will be more glutted than usual, because the number of Popish women, is at least three to one in this kingdom of British Occupied Ireland, and therefore it will have one other collateral advantage, by lessening considerably the number of Papists among us.
I have already computed the charge of interning a Fenian (in which list I reckon all cottagers, labourers, and four-fifths of the farmers) to be about two hundred thousand pounds per annum, rags included; and I believe no Loyalist gentleman would repine to give ten shillings for the carcass of a good Fenian, which, as I have said, will make dishes of excellent meat, even Fenain males who can be gay who because of dire poverty hath only some particular friend, or his own family to dine with him. Thus the Loyalist squire will learn to be a good master, and grow popular among his Fenians, the mother well fed albeit occasionally force fed be fit to produces orange children.
Those who are more thrifty of Scotch origin(as I must confess the times require) may flea the Fenian carcass; the skin of which, artificially dressed, will make admirable gloves for loyal ladies, and summer boots for fine marching gentlemen.
As to our City of Belfast, shambles may be appointed for this purpose, in the most convenient parts of it, and butchers we may be assured will not be wanting; although I rather recommend interning the women alive initially, and dressing them hot from the knife, as we do roasting pigs.
A very worthy person, a true lover of his British Occupied country and whose virtues I highly esteem, was lately pleased, in discoursing on this matter, to offer a refinement upon my scheme. He said, that many loyal gentlemen of this kingdom, having of late destroyed their deer, he conceived that the want of venison might be well supply'd by the bodies of certain gay young lads and comely Fenian maidens, not exceeding sixty years of age, nor under twelve; so great a number of both sexes in every country being now ready to starve for want of work, peace and justice and these to be disposed of by their political leaders if alive, or otherwise by their nearest relations. But with due deference to so excellent a friend, and so deserving a patriot, I cannot be altogether in his sentiments; for as to the males, my American acquaintance with the rather large white hat assured me from frequent experience, that their flesh was generally tough and lean, like that of our school-boys, by continual exercise, and their taste disagreeable, and to fatten them would not answer the charge. Then as to the females, it would, I think, with humble submission, be a loss to the publick, because they soon would become breeders themselves: And besides, it is not improbable that some scrupulous people might be apt to censure such a practice, (although indeed very unjustly) as a little bordering upon cruelty, which, I confess, hath always been with me the strongest objection against any project, how well soever intended.
But in order to justify my friend, he confessed, that this expedient was put into his head by the famous Salmanaazor, a native of the island Formosa, who came from thence to London, above twenty years ago, and in conversation told my friend, that in his country, when any female person happened to be put to death, the executioner sold the carcass to persons of quality, as a prime dainty; and that, in his time, the body of a plump girl of fifteen, who was crucified for an attempt to poison the Emperor, was sold to his imperial majesty's prime minister of state, and other great mandarins of the court in joints from the gibbet, at four hundred crowns. Neither indeed can I deny, that if the same use were made of several plump young girls in this town, who without one single groat to their fortunes, cannot stir abroad without a chair, and appear at a play-house and assemblies in foreign fineries which they never will pay for; the kingdom would not be the worse.
Some persons of a desponding spirit are in great concern about that vast number of poor Fenians, who are aged, diseased, or maimed; and I have been desired to employ my thoughts what course may be taken, to ease British Occupied Ireland of so grievous an incumbrance. But I am not in the least pain upon that matter, because it is very well known, that they are every day dying, and rotting, by cold and famine, and filth, and vermin, as fast as can be reasonably expected. And as to the young labourers, they are now in almost as hopeful a condition. They cannot get work, and consequently pine away from want of nourishment, to a degree, that if at any time they are accidentally hired to common labour, they have not strength to perform it, and thus the country and themselves are happily delivered from the evils to come.
I have too long digressed, and therefore shall return to my subject. I think the advantages by the proposal which I have made are obvious and many, as well as of the highest importance.
For first, as I have already observed, it would greatly lessen the number of Papists, with whom we are yearly over-run, being the principal breeders, as well as our most dangerous enemies, and who stay at home on purpose with a design to deliver British Occupied Ireland to the Pope, hoping to take their advantage by the absence of so many good Protestants, who have chosen rather to leave their country, than stay at home and pay tithes against their conscience to an episcopal curate.
Secondly, The Fenain tenants will have something valuable of their own, which by law may be made liable to a distress and help to pay their landlord's rent, their corn and cattle being already seized, and money a thing unknown.
Thirdly, Whereas the maintainance of potentially a hundred thousand Fenian women interned, the nation's stock will be thereby increased two hundred thousand pounds per annum, besides the profit of a new dish, introduced to the tables of all orange gentlemen of fortune in the kingdom, who have any refinement in taste. And the money will circulate among our selves, the goods being entirely of our own growth and manufacture.
Fourthly, The constant breeders will interned be rid of the charge of maintaining their Fenian offspring.
Fifthly, This food would likewise bring great custom to taverns, where the vintners will certainly be so prudent as to procure the best receipts for dressing it to perfection; and consequently have their houses frequented by all the fine Loyal gentlemen, who justly value themselves upon their knowledge in good eating; and a skilful cook, who understands how to oblige his guests, will contrive to make it as expensive as they please.
Sixthly, This would be a great inducement to marriage, which all wise nations have either encouraged by rewards, or enforced by laws and penalties. It would encrease the care and tenderness of mothers towards their husbands, when they were sure of a settlement for life, provided in some sort by the publick, to their annual profit instead of expense. We should soon see an honest emulation among the married women, which of them could bring the fattest daughter to the market.Fenianmen would become as fond of their wives, as they are now of their mares in foal, their cows in calf, or sow when they are ready to mate; nor offer to beat or kick them (as is too frequent a practice) for fear of damaged goods.With the legal option of internment of their wives such extremities would not be necessary.
Many other advantages might be enumerated. For instance, the addition of some thousand female carcasses in our exportation of barrel'd beef: the propagation of swine's flesh, and improvement in the art of making good bacon, so much wanted among us by the great destruction of pigs, too frequent at our tables; which are no way comparable in taste or magnificence to a well grown, fat woman, which after internment and forced feeding, roasted whole will make a considerable figure at a Loyal Lord Mayor's feast, or any other publick entertainment. But this, and many others, I omit, being studious of brevity.
Supposing that one thousand Loyalist families in this city, would be constant customers for Fenian flesh, besides others who might have it at merry meetings, particularly at weddings and christenings, I compute that Belfast would take off annually about twenty thousand carcasses; and the rest of the kingdom (where probably they will be sold somewhat cheaper) the remaining eighty thousand.
I can think of no one objection, that will possibly be raised against this proposal, unless it should be urged, that the number of dissidents will be thereby much lessened in the kingdom. This I freely own, and 'twas indeed one principal design in offering it to the world. I desire the reader will observe, that I calculate my remedy for this one individual Kingdom of British Occupied Ireland, and for no other that ever was, is, or, I think, ever can be upon Earth. Therefore let no man talk to me of other expedients: Of taxing our absentees at five shillings a pound: Of using neither cloaths, nor houshold furniture, except what is of our own growth and manufacture: Of utterly rejecting the materials and instruments that promote foreign luxury: Of curing the expensiveness of pride, vanity, idleness, and gaming in our women: Of introducing a vein of parsimony, prudence and temperance: Of learning to love our country, wherein we differ even from Laplanders, and the inhabitants of Topinamboo: Of quitting our animosities and factions, nor acting any longer like the Jews, who were murdering one another at the very moment their city was taken: Of being a little cautious not to sell our country and consciences for nothing: Of teaching landlords to have at least one degree of mercy towards their tenants. Lastly, of putting a spirit of honesty, industry, and skill into our shop-keepers, who, if a resolution could now be taken to buy only our native goods, would immediately unite to cheat and exact upon us in the price, the measure, and the goodness, nor could ever yet be brought to make one fair proposal of just dealing, though often and earnestly invited to it.
Therefore I repeat, let no man talk to me of these and the like expedients, 'till he hath at least some glympse of hope, that there will ever be some hearty and sincere attempt to put them into practice.
But, as to my self, having been wearied out for many years with offering vain, idle, visionary thoughts, and at length utterly despairing of success, I fortunately fell upon this proposal, which, as it is wholly new, so it hath something solid and real, of no expence and little trouble, full in our own power, and whereby we can incur no danger in disobliging England. For this kind of commodity will not bear exportation, and flesh being of too tender a consistence, to admit a long continuance in salt, although perhaps I could name a country, which would be glad to eat up our whole nation without it.
After all, I am not so violently bent upon my own opinion, as to reject any offer, proposed by wise men, which shall be found equally innocent, cheap, easy, and effectual. But before something of that kind shall be advanced in contradiction to my scheme, and offering a better, I desire the author or authors will be pleased maturely to consider two points. First, As things now stand, how they will be able to find food and raiment for a hundred thousand useless mouths and backs. And secondly, There being a round million of creatures in humane figure throughout this kingdom, whose whole subsistence put into a common stock, would leave them in debt two million of pounds sterling, adding those who are beggars by profession, to the bulk of farmers, cottagers and labourers, with their wives and children, who are beggars in effect; I desire those politicians who dislike my overture, and may perhaps be so bold to attempt an answer, that they will first ask the husbands of these mortals, whether they would not at this day think it a great happiness to have their wives sold for food rather than interned more than a year, in the manner I prescribe, and thereby have avoided such a perpetual scene of misfortunes, as they have since gone through, by the oppression of landlords, the impossibility of paying rent without money or trade, the want of common sustenance, with neither house nor cloaths to cover them from the inclemencies of the weather, and the most inevitable prospect of intailing the like, or greater miseries, upon their breed for ever.
I profess, in the sincerity of my heart, that I have not the least personal interest in endeavouring to promote this necessary work, having no other motive than the publick good of my country, by advancing our trade, providing for women, relieving the poor, and giving some pleasure to the rich. I have only one wife by which I can propose to get a single penny but unfortunately for you Viceroyal Villiers she is not Irish.
A Modest Proposal to the newly crowned vice royal, Theresa Villiers, direct descendant of George William Frederick Villiers (1800-1870), Fourth Earl of Clarendon, who served as Vice Royal of Ireland, 1847–52, during the Irish holocaust that exterminated 6 million native Irish
Being that the Union of Britain and Occupied Ireland, is founded on the values of respect for the Monarchy, freedom, democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including rights of persons belonging to Irish minorities, I would like to make a modest proposal, in relation to the fair and reasonable distribution of food supplies, to lesser well off Irish natives, not unlike the victims of that Holocaust, which your great great great grandfather, presided over in Ireland.
This proposal has come to my mind, since I became aware that you're royal self, graduated and worked as a barrister and as a lecturer at King's College London. Driven by the sad object of your Irish sister being interned without trial, in solitary confinement for her political conscience and observing that you're bosses in the secret services, are hell bent in keeping her there, I concluded while travelling through your god fearing colony to which you have just come, in places such as Banbridge, Ballymena, Lisburn, Shankill Road, etc, the great prosperous parts of the colony, the growth of flesh upon the loyal inhabitants there. Sad to say however, loyalists in Ireland these days, are more likely to wobble and ripple as they progress about their British marching business, rather than move in any brisk military way, in the hats their father wore. This growth in weight and stature, since your great, great, great grandfather's time of holocaust famine, treatedin a notoriously flippant fashion by the BBC and the great and good British media, as being the result of "Modern Life" rather than a stark mentored, priviliged, contrast, to places like Newry, Derry, Craigavon, etc.
Alas, the ghost of your great, great, great, grandfather's holocaust famine years of skeletal, spectres of the starving 1840's and the calculated Victorian, eugenics of ridding Ireland of 6 million of those native, Irish savages. Not to worry your royal Villiers, all traces of war crimes and systematic ethnic claasnisng, have been well and truly exorcised, by well paid revisionist historians, expensive quills, still updating and diligently revising, more recent events, as the shape and girth of their bodies blend, harmoniously in the loyal towns of your colony in Ireland, that I have just mentioned. Unfortunately in the present economic circumstance, our already hard pressed health system, is squeezed by the presence of this epidemic of loyal obesity. Fifty percent of adults in your loyal towns, now suffer this illness and its very existence, strikes at the core of any god fearing loyal subject. While in far-flung communities, like Newry, Derry, Lurgan, etc. people stretch out their hands, for food supplies and thousands of children suffer from malnutrition, while their so-called brethern of your great colony wear with pride, their well rounded abdomens and double layered spare tyres.
The solution, like the good solution of our dear Dean Swift, is breathtakingly simple. Special surgery for the removal of loyal body parts, would be a key role in the implementation of my proposal. To set up clinics testing individuals by measurement of body mass, followed by recommendation from medical experts, on whether a spot of internment or surgery would be appropriate. Naturally there would be much gratitude displayed by your loyal subjects, to be interned like Marian Price, rather than carved, as is the case presently, in the instance of Ms Price, who has the audacity, to question British royalty in Ireland The discarded loyal flesh would be cured and processed, using the expertise of the finest chefs, transformed into meat products, which could be distributed amongst the poor starving Irish dissident minorities.The fat matriarchs of Banbridge and Ballymena, could then keep Ms. Price company in solitary confinement, while they are force starved and she is force fed.
A particularly large Ballymena abdomen for example, carrying five stone of extra flesh, would after the necessary refinement, produce three hundred large sausages, five hundred best back rashers and lashings of well-seasoned, savoury meat-balls. No loyalist will be exempt from flesh testing. In a demonstration of leadership by example, I suggest that Ian Paisley be the first to step up to the podium, followed by Lord of Muck of Londonderry, to ensure there is no perception of discrimination. I believe Mr Paisley would effortlessly produce a great supply of best sausages, substantial rashers and greasy finger licking, meat balls. Mr Paisley would be showing great leadership, as in the the Lord Muck royal handshake, by pioneering a method of food provision, to starving, dissident, barstewards in North Belfast.Your vice royal, Ms Villiers, I make my modest proposal, that the over-indulgent part of you Irish colony, be absolved to sustain the other, in perfect British royal symmetry, with a dash of progressive internment without trial which a graduated and hardworking barrister and lecturer at King's College will hopefully appreciate.
A genealogical survey of the peerage of Britain as well as the royal families of Europe
Theresa Anne Villiers was born on 5 March 1968. She is the daughter of George Edward Villiers and Anne Virginia Threlfall.2 She married Sean Wilken on 19 June 1999.She held the office of Member of the European Parliament for Greater London.1 From 19 June 1999, her married name became Wilken. She lived in 2003 at 32 Abdale Road, London, England.
Anne Virginia Threlfall is the daughter of Cuthbert Raymond Forster Threlfall. She married George Edward Villiers, son of Algernon Edward Villiers and Annie Augusta Merewether Massy, on 25 August 1962.
From 25 August 1962, her married name became Villiers.
Children of Anne Virginia Threlfall and George Edward Villiers
Edward Richard Villiers+2 b. 6 Jul 1963
Henry Raymond Villiers2 b. 1 Nov 1965
Theresa Anne Villiers2 b. 5 Mar 1968
George Edward Villiers 25 August 1931
George Edward Villiers was born on 25 August 1931. He is the son of Algernon Edward Villiers and Annie Augusta Merewether Massy.2 He married Anne Virginia Threlfall, daughter of Cuthbert Raymond Forster Threlfall, on 25 August 1962.
Theresa Anne Villiers (born 5 March 1968) is a British Conservative Party politician. She is the Member of Parliament (MP) for Chipping Barnet and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.She was appointed as a Privy Counsellor on 9 June 2010.
Villiers was born in London in 1968, the daughter of George Edward Villiers and Anne Virginia (née Threlfall). On her father's side she is a descendant of the Honourable Edward Ernest Villiers (1806–1843), brother of George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon,Thomas Hyde Villiers, Charles Pelham Villiers and Henry Villiers.[4] She is also a distant relative of the actor James Villiers.
Growing up in North London, she was educated at the independent Francis Holland School. Villiers gained a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree with first class honours in 1990 from the University of Bristol, and went on to obtain a Bachelor of Civil Law (BCL) from Jesus College, Oxford, in 1991. After graduating she worked as a barrister and as a lecturer at King's College London (1994–99).
[edit]Member of the European Parliament
She was elected Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for the London constituency in 1999, and was re-elected in 2004. She stood down after the 2005 general election when she was elected as the Member of Parliament for Chipping Barnet.[5]
As an MEP, her main interests were finance and financial services, the preservation of London's green belt, Cyprus, animal welfare and campaigning against the Euro and the European Constitution. She served as Deputy Leader of the Conservatives in the European Parliament between 2001 and 2002. She also served as a member of the governing board of the Conservative Party during this period.
“Now is a crucial time for the talks and it is important that everyone who is a friend of Cyprus makes their support clear in the push for a just, lasting and balanced settlement in Cyprus which will see the whole island united again with a single sovereignty, a single international personality and a single citizenship.”
—Theresa Villiers at Conservative Party Conference on Cyprus.
[edit]Member of Parliament
In 2003, following Sir Sydney Chapman's announcement that he would retire at the following election, Villiers was selected as the Conservative parliamentary candidate for Chipping Barnet. Although Chapman's majority at the 2001 general election was only 2,701 Chipping Barnet was considered a "safe" Conservative seat, and in the 2005 general election she held the seat with an increased majority of 5,960. She resigned her seat as an MEP, which under the list system was filled by the next candidate on the Conservatives' London regional list, Syed Kamall. She lives in the constituency, in Arkley.
[edit]Shadow Cabinet
In December 2005, following the election of David Cameron as Conservative leader, Villiers was promoted to the Shadow Cabinet after just seven months in Parliament, as Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury. In July 2007, Cameron promoted her to Shadow Secretary of State for Transport.[citation needed]
[edit]MPs' Expenses: Second London home
The Daily Telegraph reported on 11 May 2009 that Theresa Villiers bought a £345,000 property in Kennington. In 2007-08 she claimed a total of £18,181 in parliamentary allowances for this second London home.
She also has a house in Arkley in her north London constituency of Chipping Barnet. The house, a semi-detached property that she bought for £296,500 in May 2004, is an 8 minute drive away from High Barnet tube station, from which commuters can reach Westminster in about 45 minutes.[6]
[edit]Political positions
Villiers supported the temporary suspension of Ken Livingstone by the Adjudication Panel for England, who examined the case after a complaint from the Board of Deputies of British Jews to the Standards Board for England.
Since late September 2008, Villiers has dedicated a considerable proportion of her public announcements to aviation policy, specifically the expansion of airports in the South East of England. There has been considerable debate within Conservative Party grassroots membership about her policies. Many commentators have defended her policies as environmentalist and politically expedient (given the high number of marginal constituencies around London Heathrow Airport), while others have criticised her for putting businesses and even family holidays at risk by undermining Heathrow as a major international hub airport and intentionally supporting higher costs for flights. Criticism of Villiers's aviation policy was heightened when she spoke out against the Mayor of London's proposals for a new London airport based in the Thames Estuary, and alternative expansions at Gatwick and Stansted airports, favouring a high speed rail link from London to Leeds as an alternative policy.
"The European Union has been one of the greatest offenders in excluding developing countries from participating in European markets. There is simply no way that impoverished African farmers can compete with the subsidies given to farmers under the Common Agricultural Policy"
"The (European) Constitution is designed to create a country called Europe and give ever more power to Brussels at the expense of nationally elected governments. I think that's bad for democracy, bad for Britain and bad for Europe"
Voting Record — Theresa Villiers MP, Chipping Barnet (11500)
Note: our records only go back to 1997 for the Commons and 2001 for the Lords (more details).
FromToPartyRebellions (explain...)Attendance (explain...)Teller
6 May 2010still in officeCon3 votes out of 498, 0.6%498 votes out of 599, 83.1% 0 times
5 May 200512 Apr 2010Con23 votes out of 881, 2.6%881 votes out of 1288, 68.4% 0 times
External Links
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Interesting Votes
Votes in parliament for which this MP's vote differed from the majority vote of their party (Rebel), or in which this MP was a teller (Teller), or both (Rebel Teller).
See also all votes... attended | possible
HouseDateSubjectTheresa VilliersCon VoteRôle
Commons11 Jul 2012United Kingdom Borders — Sittings of the House (Thursdays) (9.30 am to 5.00 pm)MajoritynoRebel
Commons11 Jul 2012United Kingdom Borders — Sittings of the House (Tuesdays) (11.30 am to 7.00 pm)MajoritynoRebel
Commons9 Sep 2011Prayers — Clause 1 — Duties of the Secretary of StateMajorityayeRebel
11 May 2010Stopped being Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, Transport
HouseDateSubjectTheresa VilliersCon VoteRôle
Commons29 Oct 2008Opposition Day — [11th Allotted Day — Second Part] — Canterbury City Council Bill (By Order)minorityayeRebel
Commons22 Oct 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill Third ReadingMajoritynoRebel
Commons22 Oct 2008Deferred Divisions — Clause 68 — CommencementMajorityayeRebel
Commons22 Oct 2008Deferred Divisions — Clause 4 — Prohibitions in connection with genetic material not of human originMajorityayeRebel
Commons22 Oct 2008Deferred Divisions — Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill [Lords]MajorityayeRebel
Commons22 Oct 2008Deferred Divisions — Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill [Lords]MajorityayeRebel
Commons20 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Change abortion limit from 24 weeks to 22 weeks — rejectedMajorityayeRebel
Commons20 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Prospects for life of handicapped child must be given before abortion — rejectedMajorityayeRebel
Commons20 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Change abortion limit from 24 weeks to 20 weeks — rejectedMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Sibling compatibility only regenerative tissue — rejectedMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Testing for sibling tissue compatibilityMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Testing for gender-related illnessMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Animal DNA may be inserted into an embryoMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Cannot use gametes or pronuclei — rejectedMajorityayeRebel
Commons19 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Human-animal hybrid licensesMajorityayeRebel
Commons12 May 2008Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill — Second ReadingMajoritynoRebel
6 Jul 2007Stopped being Shadow Chief Secretary To the Treasury, Treasury
6 Jul 2007Became Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, Transport
Commons19 Mar 2007Equality Act (Sexual Orientation) RegulationsMajoritynoRebel
Commons7 Mar 2007House of Lords Reform — Composition Option 6 (80 per Cent. Elected)MajoritynoRebel
Commons7 Mar 2007House of Lords Reform — Composition Option 5 (60 per Cent. Elected) — rejectedminoritynoRebel
Commons7 Mar 2007House of Lords Reform — Composition Option 4 (50 per Cent. Elected) — rejectedminoritynoRebel
Commons14 Mar 2006Animal Welfare Bill — New Clause "8" — Docking of dogs' tails — Working dogsminoritynoRebel
18 Jan 2006Stopped being a member of the Environmental Audit Committee
16 Dec 2005Became Shadow Chief Secretary To the Treasury, Treasury
14 Jul 2005Became a member of the Environmental Audit Committee
Commons13 Jul 2005Committees — Administration Committee — Pay for Chairmen of Select CommitteesminorityayeRebel
Commons13 Jul 2005Committees — Administration Committee — Pay for Chairmen of Standing CommitteesminorityayeRebel
Policy Comparisons
This chart shows the percentage agreement between this MP and each of the policies in the database, according to their voting record.
AgreementPolicy
10%Abortion, Embryology and Euthanasia- Against
99%Business and community control of schools: For
100%Cap or Reduce Civil Service Pay and Conditions
100%Civil aviation pollution - For limiting
81%Control Orders
50%Crossrail - In favour
100%Deployment of UK armed forces in Afghanistan
100%Equal Number of Electors Per Constituency
28%European Union - For
64%Fully Elected House of Lords
100%Gambling - Against permissiveness
100%Hold a UK referendum on Lisbon EU Treaty
71%Homosexuality - Equal rights
0%Identity cards - For introduction
100%Increase VAT
100%Iraq Investigation - Necessary
1%Ministers Can Intervene in Coroners' Inquests
69%No detention without charge or trial
0%No Polls Clash With MP Election System Referendum
50%Nuclear power - For
30%Parliamentary scrutiny - Reduce
0%Post office - in favour of Government policy
100%Post office closures - against
100%Privatise Royal Mail
75%Promote Occupational Pensions
0%Proportional Representation Voting System - For
100%Referendum on Alternative Vote for MP Elections
50%Remove Hereditary Peers from the House of Lords
42%Right to strike
96%Schools - Greater Autonomy
21%Smoking ban - In favour
82%Stop climate change
0%Termination of pregnancy - against
31%Terrorism laws - For
100%The UK should not ratify the Lisbon Treaty
50%Transparency of Parliament
100%Trident replacement - In favour
100%Tuition fees - Set Upper Limit at £9,000 per Year
100%University Tuition Fees - For
0%Voting age - Reduce to 16
100%War - Parliamentary authority not necessary
Photographed by Watkins, c. 1864. Clarendon served as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1847–52) and made efforts to ease disorder and distress during the f [...]
This rather gritty photograph gives us a good idea of what a typical labourer would have looked like during the Famine period. Such portrait photograp [...]
Trevelyan was Assistant Secretary at the Treasury during the Famine. Trevelyan has been associated with the inadequate relief policies of the Whig gov [...]
A Liberal, Wood served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord John Russell's government (1846-1852). He was responsible for keeping relief to a minimu [...]
Russell was the Whig Prime Minister during the Famine (1846-52). In August 1847 Lord Clarendon wrote rather coldly to Lord John Russell: "We shall be [...]
'Servants of the Lord, Rendering an Account of thier Stewardship during the Famine of 1847.' This view of the Famine contrasts sharply with that of Pu [...]
Engraved from a portrait by George Richmond. Monteagle was Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1835 to 1839, and Comptroller General from 1839 to 1865. H [...]
Engraved from a portrait by George Richmond. Clarendon served as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1847–52) and made efforts to ease disorder and distress d [...]
Engraved by William Ward after a portrait by John Ward. Sir Robert Peel, Conservative Prime Minister in 1845-6. His secret purchase of Indian corn hel [...]
On 17 January 1846 O’Connell raised the matter of famine in the House of Commons: I have shown you our distress. I have shown you that there are no a [...]
1848 witnessed revolution all over Europe. In Ireland, William Smith O'Brien called for the establishment of a National Guard, and an armed rising wa [...]
A Liberal, Wood served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord John Russell's government (1846-1852). He was responsible for keeping relief to a minimu [...]
The son of Quaker William Tuke (1732-1822), English tea and coffee merchant and philanthropist. James entered the family business and helped in the ma [...]
Palmerston was the eldest child in a family of two boys and three girls born to Henry Temple and Mary Mee. As well as their large Hampshire property, [...]
Mount Stewart was the home of Charles William Vane (1778-1854), 3rd Marquess of Londonderry during the famine. Lord Londonderry, one of the ten riches [...]
Powerscourt at Enniskerry in Wicklow was was built for Richard Wingfield, a descendant of Sir Richard Wingfield, and a member of the Protestant Ascend [...]
British Prime Minister: 6 February 1855-19 February 1858; 12 June 1859-18 October 1865. He was the eldest child in a family of two boys and three girl [...]
In 1847, Major Denis Mahon paid £4,000 for the emigration of one thousand tenants to Canada. Nearly a quarter of the emigrants died enroute, many of t [...]
Many emigrant ships took up to three months to cross the Atlantic. The crowded ship's hold was a breeding ground for diseases like dysentery and typhu [...]
ERIN-In forty years I have lost, through the operation of no natural law, more than Three Millions of my Sons and Daughters, and they, the Young and t [...]
In a scene not very different from one of the famine period: men break stones and women carry stones on relief works at An Cheathrú Rua (Carraroe), Co [...]
More than half a century after the famine, the houses of the poor had changed little. The cottage show here has earthen floors and little furniture. T [...]
Three bare-foot children photographed in their cottage on Gorumna Island, Co. Galway. The ragged children lean against a straw bed which rests on an e [...]
During the Famine, isolated towns such as Schull were usually the last to receive much needed relief. By 1849, the population of Schull parish had dro [...]
Dr. Robert Traill was Rector of Schull, at the time of the famine. The town suffered exceptionally high casualties from famine and disease. By 1849, t [...]
Sir Charles Trevelyan, Assistant Secretary at the Tresury. He was in charge of all famine relief in Ireland. Trevelyan has been associated with the in [...]
In August 1847 Lord Clarendon wrote coldly to Lord John Russell: "We shall be equally blamed for keeping them[the Irish] alive or letting them die and [...]
Sir Robert Peel, Conservative Prime Minister in 1845-6. His secret purchase of Indian corn helped prevent widespread famine in the first year of the p [...]
Potatoes often appeared to be perfectly sound when lifted from the ground but were later found to have rotted in store, with disastrous consequences t [...]
The correspondent for the Illustrated London News describes the scene in the winter of 1849: 'Another Sketch follows (of Miss Kennedy), which shows th [...]
Recipes for numerous varieties of soup appeared frequently in the national newspapers, all claiming to be nutritious and generally aiming at the produ [...]
One of Achill's most famous landmarks is that of the Achill Mission or 'the Colony' at Dugort. In 1831 the Protestant Reverend Edward Nangle founded a [...]
Quakers in England and Ireland responded quickly and generously to the need for direct food relief. The Quaker ironmasters Abraham and Albert Darby of [...]
A chromolithograph showing Erin wrestling with the spectre of famine while the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Arthur Balfour plays golf. Attributed to th [...]
This chromolithograph depicts a wealthy landlord with his female companion seated on a chaise-longue. The table nearby is laden with food and drink. T [...]